The deep overlaps between nineteenth-century woman’s rights (nineteenth-century practice was to use the singular, woman's; later practice was to use the plural, women's) and suffrage activism—indeed, nineteenth-century feminism generally—and the freethought movement should surprise no one. After all, the traditional Christian churches of that time were the most ferocious defenders of two ancient certainties: (1) women were inferior because God had made them that way, and (2) male domination over women was simply part of God’s plan. And did we mention that God is male?
Given all of this, it only makes sense that the three ranking leaders of the nineteenth-century woman’s rights and suffrage movements were an outspoken freethinker (Elizabeth Cady Stanton) ... an outrageously outspoken freethinker (Matilda Joslyn Gage) ... and Susan B. Anthony. Anthony was the "traditionalist" of this group, but even she was a radical religious liberal (first a Quaker, later a Unitarian). Even so, at the height of her power over the suffrage movement, Anthony would make overtures to religious conservative groups, believing such alliances necessary to win women the vote.
When women won the vote in 1920, the North American Woman Suffrage Association, then the foremost pro-suffrage organization, became the League of Women Voters, still active today.
Yet suffrage was not to be achieved without controversy.
Post-Civil War Years: Breach and Reunification. After 1865 the movement split due to strategic disagreements and regional factionalism. The central New York-based wing of the movement, led by Stanton, Anthony, and Gage, charted a radical course: demanding federal action for immediate enfranchisement of women, criticizing the Fifteenth Amendment because it did not extend the vote to women, and pursuing reforms including an eight-hour day, equal pay, and greater rights in marriage and divorce. The other wing, based in New England and led by Lucy Stone and Harriet Beecher Stowe, sought suffrage alone and was willing to pursue it state by state. In 1869 the two wings separated. The New York wing formed the National Woman Suffrage Association (NWSA) while the New England wing formed the more moderate American Woman Suffrage Association (AWSA). The NWSA permitted men to join as members, but not to become officers, while the AWSA allowed men in leadership roles. As historians Susan Goodier and Karen Pastorello expressed it in their book Women Will Vote (Ithaca, N. Y.: Three Hills Press, 2017), "the split in ideology between those who supported black men’s rights and those who sought universal rights fractured the women’s movement for more than two decades. And, with the greater national focus on voting rights, women’s rights activists shifted their focus to the singular demand for woman suffrage."
Only in 1890 was the breach healed, if clumsily, with the creation of a unity organization: the National American Woman Suffrage Association (NAWSA). NAWSA took its moderate agenda from AWSA almost unchanged. It abandoned radical social objectives such as divorce and abuse of working-class women; one newspaper of the day called it "toothless." Stanton drifted away from the movement; far from embracing AWSA's pursuit of woman suffrage and nothing else, she felt that "suffrage is but the vestibule of woman’s emancipation.” For her part, Gage had already left the movement years before.
Suffrage: Only for White Women? The woman suffrage movement was often in tension with the movement for racial equality. Before and especially after the Civil War, there was acrimonious debate among reformers whether African Americans or women were more deserving of the vote. Elizabeth Cady Stanton and some other suffrage leaders were dismayed when the Fourteenth Amendment (adopted 1868) guaranteed citizenship, and with it the vote, to all males regardless of race. This was the first time the word male was added to the Constitution. Stanton attacked the amendment as "manhood suffrage" and "establishing an aristocracy of men."
Woman's enfranchisement came just as Jim Crow was taking form in the South. At the same time more subtle methods of suppressing the black vote spread across much of the North. This re-emergence of open racism meant that many African American women were unable to exercise their franchise until the mid-twentieth century or later, giving rise to a perception that suffrage had benefited primarily white women. But the fact remains that once race-based barriers to voting were removed, it was because of the suffrage movement that women of color faced no further obstacles to voting because of their sex.
An Experiment in Applied Radicalism. All told, suffrage was a profoundly radical movement that sought to upend one of Western society’s most deeply rooted traditions: the systematic disenfranchisement of half of humanity. No wonder freethinkers were so easily found within its ranks.
These nineteenth-century movements helped to shape the twentieth, most of all with the extension of the franchise to women in 1920.
There were other influences, too, including the hugely popular children’s books of L. Frank Baum, who married the youngest daughter of Matilda Joslyn Gage and spent years absorbing Gage’s freethinking and feminist ideas. In Baum’s land of Oz women are men’s equals, religion is all but absent, and free individuals work out their differences with little involvement by the state.
This excitement all began in west-central New York State ... on today’s Freethought Trail.